Research is never bias-free or completely objective.
Most research methodologies assume the researcher is an outsider, able to observe objectively without being implicated in the scene (Tuhiwai-Smith, 2006:231). However this current investigation arose through my own experience and a personal interest to understand the realities of Yorùbá people like me situated in the same environment. I often phrased the research question as ‘why we don’t speak our mother’s tongue’ thereby explicitly declaring my ‘insider’ status with respect to the subject matter and the participants in the study. Feminist and other more critical, decolonising approaches have made the insider methodology more acceptable in qualitative research.
It is becoming increasingly important for social researchers to be reflective about the implications of their methods, values, and decisions on the knowledge of the social world they generate (Bryman 2012). These biases will inevitably influence the collection, analysis and interpretation of data, therefore recognising personal perspective allows researchers to better evaluate conclusions.
My insider status as both Yorùbá and British facilitated the recruitment of participants, as did my affiliation with SOAS, an institution respected among African and Black communities globally. The shared cultural and linguistic background with subjects also helped to build rapport during the interviews that would not have been possible had the researcher been of a different ethnic or racial group. It is likely, that my insider status resulted in more frank responses, particularly on topics of race and discrimination. At the same time it may be reasonable to assume that this status may have led to socially desirable answers. To reduce the bias, I shared with participants both my successes and struggles with Yorùbá language and this strategy promoted deeper discussions and facilitated more balanced responses.
The insider/outsider status of a researcher is not as simple as to be entirely one or the other. Over the course of the research it became apparent that there were some instances when I was an ‘outsider’. Age and seniority are of significant importance within Yorùbá culture with elders addressed using honorific language. There was definitely a distinction between the interactions with my peers and the younger participants who referred to me as ‘Sister’ or ‘Ma’ depending on the age gap. I was most acutely aware of my outsider status when I was interviewing the parent participants, firstly because for Yorùbá, asking probing questions, particularly of elders unfamiliar to you, is culturally odd. Secondly, in discussing failures of language transmission there is an undercurrent (if not overt expression) of blame and finger pointing directed at parents. Being 2nd Gen, in interviews with parents I may have appeared as a representative of my generation pointing the accusatory finger at those who raised us, again behaviour which violates culturally acceptable norms.
In order to circumvent these two issues I spent more time establishing initial rapport with parent participants, and I felt it important to demonstrate good Yorùbá manners by greeting and addressing them appropriately as elders (in the same manner some younger subjects had done for me). Doing so not only conferred upon me an ‘insider’ Yorùbá status, thereby leading to more honest responses as previously mentioned, but also demonstrates a high level of respect. This enables a more convivial atmosphere during questioning, which may have otherwise created an unusual power dynamic and potentially frictional relationship.